So, we are going to the extremes precisely because we are trying to mobilize an electorate. On that basis, voters calculate the utility income of the different parties and then they look at and evaluate the partisan differential. While Downs said that there are parties that take positions on issues, the voter has difficulty with this inferring a position on a left-right axis. As for the intensity model, they manage to perceive something more, that is to say, not only a direction but an intensity through which a political party defends certain positions and goes in certain political directions. In other words, the voters' political preferences on different issues, in other words, in this type of theorizing, they know very well what they want, and what is more, these positions are very fixed and present when the voter is going to have to vote. To summarize these approaches, there are four possible answers to the question of how voters decide to vote. What voters perceive are directional signals, that is, voters perceive that some parties are going in one direction and other parties are going in another direction on certain issues. In order to explain this anomaly, another explanation beside the curvilinear explanation beside the directional theories of the vote, a third possibility to explain this would be to say that there are some parties that abandon the idea of maximizing the vote or electoral support in order to mobilize this electorate and for this we have to go to extremes. In the literature, we often talk about the economic theory of voting. The concept and measurement of partisan identification as conceived by these researchers as applying to the bipartite system and therefore needs to be adapted to fit the multiparty and European system. The Neighborhood Model. Another model is called the funnel model of causality which has been proposed by these authors working on the psycho-sociological model. 0000001213 00000 n These spatial theories start from the assumption that there is a voter or voters who have political preferences with respect to certain issues, but completely discard the explanation of how these preferences are formed. Voters vote for the candidate or party closest to their own position which is the proximity model. The advantage of the intensity directional model is that it goes in a more intense direction, i.e. There are other theories that highlight the impact of economic conditions and how voters compare different election results in their electoral choices, which refers to economic voting in the strict sense of the term. On the other hand, this is true for the directional model; they manage to perceive a policy direction. For most theories, and in particular Matthews' Simple Directional Model theory, the neutral point determines direction. The Lazarsfeld model would link membership and voting. Four landmark studies connected with the presidential elections of 1940, 1948, 1952, and 1956 mark the establishment of scholarly survey-based research on voting behavior (Rossi 1959). If that is true, then if there are two parties that are equally close to our preferences, then we cannot decide. This diagram shows the process of misalignment with changes in the generational structure and changes in the social structure that create political misalignment. offers a behavior analysis of voting behavior. It is by this configuration that May tries to explain this anomaly which is due to the fact that there is a group of voters who become activists within the party and who succeed in shifting the party's positioning towards the extremes. In the study of electoral behaviour, there is a simple distinction between what is called prospective voting and retrospective voting. Since the economic crisis, there has been an increasing focus on the economic crisis and economic conditions and how that can explain electoral volatility and electoral change. If we look at it a little more broadly, partisan identification can be seen as a kind of shortcut. Other researchers have tried to propose combined models that combine different explanations. In other words, if we know the partisan identification of voters, we can make a prediction about what the normal vote will be, which is a vote that is not or should not be influenced by other situational factors in a given electorate. There are several theories emphasizing different factors which may shape citizens' voting behavior. That is why there are many empirical analyses that are based on this model. 0000000016 00000 n A representative democracy. It is interesting to know that Lazarsfeld, when he began his studies with survey data, especially in an electoral district in New York State, was looking for something other than the role of social factors. voters who follow a systematic vote are voters who are willing to pay these information or information-related costs. The idea is to see what are all the factors that explain the electoral choice. But there are studies that also show that the causal relationship goes in the other direction. His conclusion is that the vote is explained both by elements of leadership, partly by an element of proximity and distance, but also, for some parties, it must also be taken into account that there are parties that act according to a mobilization of the electorate according to the approach of Przeworski and Sprague. The function of partisan identification is to allow the voter to face political information and to know which party to vote for. Fiorina's theory of retrospective voting is very simple. The idea is that a party is ready to lose an election in order to give itself the means to win it later by giving itself time to form an electorate. The strategic choices made by parties can also be explained by this model since, since this model postulates an interdependence between supply and demand, we address the demand but we can also address the supply. One must assess the value of one's own participation and also assess the number of other citizens who will vote. In a phase of alignment, this would be the psycho-sociological model, i.e. This is called retrospective voting, which means that we are not looking at what the parties said in their platforms, but rather at what the parties did before. [14] They try to answer the question of how partisan identification is developing and how partisan identification has weakened because they look at the stability over time of partisan identification. It is quite interesting to see the bridges that can be built between theories that may seem different. What we are interested in is on the demand side, how can we explain voters' electoral choice. The intensity directional model adds an element that is related to the intensity with which candidates and political parties defend certain positions. Psychology and Voting Behavior In the same years that behaviorism (of various forms) came to dominate the it takes a political position that evokes the idea of symbolic politics in a more salient way. Voting requires voters to know the candidates' positions on issues, but when there are several candidates or several parties, it is not very easy for some voters in particular. Political scientists have defined several models of voter behavior in an attempt to explain the different motivations of voters: Rational choice theory describes someone voting in their best interest, supporting the candidate whose platform will give them the most favorable outcomes. One possible strategy to reduce costs is to base oneself on ideology. 0000001124 00000 n In other words, this identification is part of the self-image one can have of oneself. There is a whole branch of the electoral literature that emphasizes government action as an essential factor in explaining the vote, and there is a contrast between a prospective vote, which is voting according to what the parties say they will do during the election campaign, and a retrospective vote, which is voting in relation to what has been done, particularly by the government, which has attributed the successes or failures of a policy. For Lazarsfeld, "a person thinks politically as he or she is socially". So there is this empirical anomaly where there is a theory that presupposes and tries to explain the electoral choices but also the positions of the parties in a logic of proximity to the centre of the political spectrum, but on the other hand there is the empirical observation that is the opposite and that sees parties and voters located elsewhere. It is a paradigm that does not only explain from the macro-political point of view an electoral choice, but there is the other side of the coin which is to explain the choice that the parties make. As part of spatial theories of the vote, some theories consider the characteristics of candidates. We have seen that at Downs, the role of ideology is fundamental and that ideology could function as a kind of shortcut. Several studies show that the impact of partisan identification varies greatly from one context to another. In this representation, there are factors related to the cleavages, but also other factors that relate to the economic, political or social structure of a country being factors that are far removed from the electoral choice but that still exert an important effect in an indirect way the effect they have on other variables afterwards. It is a variant of the simple proximity model which remains in the idea of proximity but which adds an element which makes it possible to explain certain voting behaviours which would not be explainable by other models. In directional models with intensity, there are models that try to show how the salience of different issues changes from one group to another, from one social group to another, or from one candidate and one party to another. There may be one that is at the centre, but there are also others that are discussed. We can talk about two major theories or two major models or even three models. Political Behaviour: Historical and methodological benchmarks, The structural foundations of political behaviour, The cultural basis of political behaviour, PEOPLE'S CHOICE: how the voter makes up his mind in a presidential campaign, https://doi.org/10.1177/000271624926100137, https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414094027002001, https://baripedia.org/index.php?title=Theoretical_models_of_voting_behaviour&oldid=49464, Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0). Information is central to spatial theories, whereas in the psycho-sociological model, information is much less important. This theory presupposed that the voter recognizes his or her own interest, assesses alternative candidates, and on the basis of this assessment, will choose for the candidate or party that will be most favourably assessed in the sense of best serving his or her own political interests and interests. A second possible answer is that they will vote for the candidate who belongs to the party with which they identify. The heterogeneity of the electorate and voters must be taken into account. For example, there is Lazarsfeld's theory with the idea that opinion leaders can be seen as people to whom we attribute a strong trust and maybe even an esteem in relation to the political judgment they may have and therefore, by discussing with these people, it is possible to form an electoral choice and therefore there is no need to go and pay these costs of gathering information. Curiously, the intensity directional model that adds an element to the simple directional model chronologically precedes the simple directional model. It is multidimensional also in the bipartisan context of the United States because there are cleavages that cut across parties. It is an explanation that is completely outside the logic of proximity and the spatial logic of voting. Misalignment creates greater electoral volatility that creates a change in the party system that can have a feedback on the process of alignment, misalignment or realignment. p. 31). Another strategy is the so-called "shortcut" that voters take within the rationalist framework of voting, since they are confronted with the problem of information and have to choose on the basis of this information. In the retrospective model, some researchers have proposed an alternative way of viewing partisan identification as being determined by the position voters take on issues. A first criticism that has been made is that the simple proximity model gives us a misrepresentation of the psychology of voting. Direction ("Who votes for whom?") The scientific study of voting behavior is marked by three major research schools: the sociological model, often identified as School of Columbia, with the main reference in Applied Bureau of Social Research of Columbia University, whose work begins with the publication of the book The Peoples Choice (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, & Gaudet, 1944) and A distinction can be made between the simple proximity model, which is the Downs model, and the proximity model with Grofman discounting. Therefore, they cannot really situate where the different parties stand. There are other models that try to relate the multiplicity of issues to an underlying ideological space, i.e., instead of looking at specific issues, everything is brought back to a left-right dimension as a shortcut, for example, and there are other theories that consider the degree of ambiguity and clarity of the candidates' positions. Moreover, retrospective voting can also be seen as a shortcut. Ideology is a means of predicting and inferring political positions during an election campaign. maximum proximity, as the party, his or her utility increases, and when the voter moves away from the party, his or her utility decreases. This model of voting behavior sees the voter as thinking individual who is able to take a view on political issues and votes accordingly. This model shows that there is more than political identities, partisan identification and social inking. For some, this model overestimates the capabilities that voters have. This is linked to a decrease in class voting and a loss of traditional cleavages. According to Merril and Grofman, one cannot determine whether one pure model is superior to another because there are methodological and data limitations. It is necessary to distinguish between two types of voters and to make a distinction between a literature that has become increasingly important in recent years on opinion formation in an election or voting context. A distinction is made between the sociological model of voting from the Columbia School, which refers to the university where this model was developed. From that point on, there has been the development of a whole body of literature on political psychology. the further a party moves in the same direction as the voter, the more likely it is to be chosen by that voter. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 261(1), 194194. Also called the Columbia model (after the university from whence came the researchers), the sociological model of voting behavior was constructed with the intention of studying the effect of media on voting choice. preferences and positions. The further a party moves in the other direction, the less likely the voter will choose it because the utility function gradually decreases. The first answer is that basically, they vote according to their position, according to their social characteristics or according to their socialization, which refers to the sociological model. There is a direct link between social position and voting. _____ were the first widespread barriers to the franchise to be eliminated. In other words, there is the idea of utility maximization which is a key concept in rational choice theory, so the voter wants to maximize his utility and his utility is calculated according to the ratio between the cost and the benefit that can be obtained from the action, in this case going to vote (1) and going to vote for that party rather than this one (2). Prospective voting says that the evaluation is based on what the parties and candidates are going to say. According to Fiorina, retrospective voting is that citizens' preferences depend not only on how close they are to the political position of a party or candidate, but also on their retrospective assessment of the performance of the ruling party or candidate. it is easier to change parties from one election to the next; a phase of realignment (3), which consists of creating new partisan loyalties. The economic model has put the rational and free citizen back at the centre of attention and reflection, whereas if we push the sociological model a bit to the extreme, it puts in second place this freedom and this free will that voters can make since the psycho-sociological model tells us that voting is determined by social position, it is not really an electoral choice that we make in the end but it is simply the result of our social insertion or our attachment to a party. There are certain types of factors that influence other types of factors and that in turn influence other types of factors and that ultimately help explain the idea of the causal funnel of electoral choice. The psycho-sociological model says that it is because this inking allows identification with a party which in turn influences political attitudes and therefore predispositions with regard to a given object, with regard to the candidate or the party, and this is what ultimately influences the vote. Numerous studies have found that voting behavior and political acts can be "contagious . Basic Idea What you are vote choice ; Key foundational studies ; Lazarsfeld, Berelson, Gaudet (1944) The Peoples Choice Berelson, Lazarsfeld, McPhee (1954) Voting The idea of prospective voting is very demanding. These authors have tried to say that the different explanatory theories of the vote can be more or less explanatory in the sense of having more or less importance of explanatory power depending on the phases in which one is in a process of alignment and misalignment. A unified theory of voting: directional and proximity spatial models. It is possible to attribute some merits and some criticisms to this model at least in its initial formulation. In other words, in this retrospective assessment, the economic situation of the country plays a crucial role. Numerous studies examine voting behavior based on the formal theoretical predictions of the spatial utility model. The theoretical account of voting behavior drew heavily upon the metaphor of a 'funnel of causality'. It is a very detailed literature today. It is a theory that makes it possible to explain both the voting behaviour of voters and the organisational behaviour of political parties. We must also, and above all, look at the links between types of factors. Prospective voting is the one that has been postulated by Downs and by all other researchers who work in proximity models but also in two-way models. Lazarsfeld was the first to study voting behaviour empirically with survey data, based on individual data, thus differentiating himself from early studies at the aggregate level of electoral geography. If certain conditions are present, such as good democratic functioning within the party, activists will have the opportunity to exercise "voice" and influence positions. JSTOR. Various explanations have been offered over the roughly 70-year history of voting behavior research, but two explanations in particular have garnered the most attention and generated the most debate in the literature on voting behavior. If voters, who prefer more extreme options, no longer find these options within the party they voted for, then they will look elsewhere and vote for another party. <]>> The basic idea is somewhat the same, namely that it is a way that voters have at their disposal, a euristic and cognitive shortcut that voters have at their disposal to deal with the problem of complex information. Theoretically, it is possible to have as many dimensions as there are issues being discussed in an election campaign. For Fiorina the voter does not do that, he will rather look at what has happened, he will also look at the state of affairs in a country, hence the importance of the economic vote in the narrower sense of the word. Apart from the combined models, it can be thought that different models may explain differently according to historical moments and phases of a process of political alignment and misalignment just as models may better explain certain types of candidates or according to the profile and type of voters. In this way, parties can offer relatively extreme political platforms that are not optimal in the short term, but that generate higher levels of support in the medium and long term. In other words, there is a social type variable, a cultural type variable and a spatial type variable. In short, it is an explanatory model that emphasizes the role of political attitudes. What determines direction? it is an element of direction and not an element of distance or proximity that counts. The choice of candidates is made both according to direction but also according to the intensity of positions on a given issue. As far as the psycho-sociological model is concerned, it has the merit of challenging the classical theory of democracy which puts the role on the rational actor. This model explains for Downs why we abstain. 43 0 obj <> endobj Four questions can be asked in relation to this measure: For the first question, there are several studies on the fact that partisan identification is multi-dimensional and not just one-dimensional. The idea is to create a party that forges ideologies and partisan identities. [8][9], The second very important model is the psycho-sociological model, also known as the partisan identification model or Michigan School model, developed by Campbell, Converse, Miller and Stokes in Campbell, Converse, Miller and Stokes, among others in The American Voter published in 1960. Some parties have short-term strategies for maximizing voting and others have long-term strategies for social mobilization. 0000011193 00000 n In Personality traits and party identification over time published in 2014 by Bakker, Hopmann and Persson, the authors attempt to explain partisan identification. It also proposes a reconceptualization of the concept of partisanship in order to integrate all relevant contributions of the . This is central to spatial theories of voting, that is, voters vote or will vote for the candidate or party that is closest to their own positions. (Second edition.) Voters who want their ballot mailed to an address that is not their address on record will be required to submit their request in writing. Inking and the role of socialization cause individuals to form a certain partisan identification that produces certain types of political attitudes. 0000002253 00000 n There are other variants or models that try to accommodate this complexity. xref Of course, there have been attempts to assess the explanatory power of directional models, but according to these researchers, these spatial models were designed to be purely theoretical in order to highlight on a purely theoretical level what motivations voters may have for their electoral choice. We are not ignoring the psychological model, which focuses on the identification people have with parties without looking at the parties. This paper examines two models used in survey research to explain voting behavior and finds that both models may be more or less correct. He wanted to see the role of the media in particular and also the role of opinion leaders and therefore, the influences that certain people can have in the electoral choice. It is easier to look at what someone has done than to evaluate the promises they made. Often, in Anglo-Saxon literature, this model is referred to as the party identification model. The assumption is that mobilizing an electorate is done by taking clear positions and not a centrist position. as a party's position moves away from our political preferences. Three elements should be noted. Voters are more interested in political results than in political programmes, and the choice is also made from this perspective. There are different strategies that are studied in the literature. Thus, voters will vote for candidates who are in the direction (1) and who are going in that direction in the most intense way (2), that is, who propose policies going in that direction in the strongest and most intense way. The sociological model at the theoretical level emphasizes something important that rationalist and economic theories have largely overlooked, namely, the importance of the role of social context, i.e., voters are all in social contexts and therefore not only family context but also a whole host of other social contexts. This economic theory of the vote, this rationalist theory, has a great advantage over the other models, which is that it does not only focus on voters, that is to say, it does not only focus on political demand, but it also looks at supply and especially at the interaction between supply and demand. Distance is understood in the sense of the proximity model for whom voter preference and party position is also important. does partisan identification work outside the United States? Often, in the literature, the sociological and psycho-sociological model fall into the same category, with a kind of binary distinction between the theories that emphasize social, belonging and identification on the one hand, and then the rationalist and economic theories of the vote, which are the economic theories of the vote that focus instead on the role of political issues, choices and cost-benefit calculations. By finding something else, he shaped a dominant theory explaining the vote. $2.75. This article reviews the main theoretical models that explain the electoral behavior sociological model of voting behavior, psychosocial model of voting behavior and rational. In this approach, it is possible to say that the voter accepts the arguments of a certain party because he or she feels close to a party and not the opposite which would be what the economic model of the vote postulates, that is to say that we listen to what the party has to say and we will choose that party because we are convinced by what that party says. So, voters evaluate the positions of the parties and from these positions, this party is a left-wing party and this party is a right-wing party. The second criterion is subjectivity, which is that voters calculate the costs and benefits of voting subjectively, so they make an assessment of the costs and benefits. In the Michigan model, the idea of stakes was already present but was somewhat underdeveloped, and this perspective on the role of stakes in the psychosocial model lent itself to both theoretical and empirical criticism from proponents of rationalist models. This identification with a party is inherited from the family emphasizing the role of primary socialization, it is reinforced over time including a reinforcement that is given by the very fact of voting for that party. They try to elaborate a bit and find out empirically how this happens. `` a person thinks politically as he or she is socially '' information is central to spatial theories the. Position moves away from our political preferences and a loss of traditional cleavages process. Some criticisms to this model shows that there is more than political identities, partisan identification social. That can be seen as a kind of shortcut have tried to propose combined models that to. Individual who is able to take a view on political psychology integrate all contributions. Where the different parties and then they look at and evaluate the promises they made 's theory of voting based. Be taken into account because there are four possible answers to the extremes precisely because are! 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